The Fourth of June when the army that was founded for the people turned on the unarmed citizens of Peking to destroy a peaceful student-led democracy movement. We remember also in Tibet in 1950’s the unarmed monks were shot in cold blood in Lhasa, and since the country occupied and depopulated to this day.
The massacre in the Tiananmen Square started soon after midnight. It was a different army from the unarmed one which had tried to enter the square on Friday night and failed. This one was told to kill, and the soldiers with their AK- 47 automatic rifles and the armored personnel carriers with their machine guns opened fire indiscriminately, in the air, directly at the huge crowds, at small groups, everywhere as we can see in these attached videos.
Lined up in rows across the Avenue of Eternal Peace, they advanced slowly, shooting all the while, then they would halt and kneel and fire directly into the crowd as you can see in the above videos. They did the same at the southern end of the square by Zhengyang Gate. When both ends of the square were cleared, they switched off the lights and encircled the thousands of students who had crowded together on the Revolutionary Heroes’ monument. Dawn broke and riot police moved in with truncheons. Everyone expected the army. But no one expected such ferocity, such armor, such numbers. There were more than 100,000 soldiers. ( watch Video)
Backlash: the army responded with violence to peaceful protests (Corbis)
Many foreign reporters started crying “If this is the People’s Army, God spare China.” They behaved like the Red Guards, with a systematic and frenzied brutality. They were the very institution that was once called out to protect China from the Red Guard excesses. Now they are killing civilians.
June 4th , 1989 all the while the lorries kept rumbling forward, stopping from time to time until the citizens of Peking were pushed back from the northern end of the square by the entrance to the Forbidden City.
A celebrated image of a man trying to stop the tanks entering the square know today as Tank Man
At one stage some students came from side streets, shouting “go home, go home” to stalled lorries outside the leadership compound. They were scattered by militia men with clubs like axe-handles, which cracked a few skulls. It was probably the one occasion during the night when they did not use guns.
Along the tree-lined streets beside the Forbidden City, groups of people were talking softly, scared but curious.. About half an hour later some of the armour returned again from the square, and in a continuing moving circle, they opened fire all around. It was a battlefield. It was a lesson in brute powerThe world was weeping for the people of Peking. One cannot see how they are ever likely to trust their leaders again.
Testimonies by the Journalists present on the Square on the day of the Massacre
The rape of Peking
By Michael Fathers and Andrew Higgins
It was the worst single act of violence against the Chinese people since the Communist Party took power in Peking 40 years ago. Hundreds were dead, many more were wounded and still the People’s Liberation Army continued throughout yesterday and into the early hours of this morning to fire on the capital’s citizens.
Tanks and armoured personnel carriers (APCs) which had blasted their way into Tiananmen Square spread out across the centre of the city, opening fire from time to time with machine guns at groups of people who were on the streets. From 3am onwards, nearly 90 fresh tanks roared in from the city’s eastern suburbs along the main boulevard past Tiananmen Square to reinforce those already in Peking.
The capital had become a city under siege. Fires could be seen burning in the south of Peking early this morning. The chatter of gunfire and the thunder of an electric storm shook the night. The people of Peking, outraged by the bloodletting, continued to challenge the military despite the massive forces arrayed against them. Students, whose seven-week campaign for political change triggered the onslaught, yesterday displayed the grisly evidence of the killing. They paraded corpses of fallen comrades at their universities.
Crushing blow: soldiers in armored vehicles fired on the public in Tienanmen Square (Corbis)
Hong Kong and the Reaction of Madame Thatcher
In Hong Kong more than 200,000 nervous residents appeared at a rally to mourn the dead in Peking and called for a general strike on Wednesday. “What happened in Peking has broken confidence in Hong Kong’s future,” said Elsie Elliott Tu, a member of the Legislative Council. Margaret Thatcher, in a statement from Downing Street, said she had been “appalled by the indiscriminate shooting of unarmed people”. Although she could “understand the deep anxiety” felt in Hong Kong, which reverts to China in 1997, Britain would “continue to stand by its commitment to a secure future” for the colony and was “confident” China would do the same.
Students in Shanghai erected barricades and bus drivers went on strike. Roads leading to Fudan University and Tongji University and those to the waterfront by the Peace Hotel were blocked. The streets of central Peking were covered with bloodstains, rubble and the wreckage of Saturday night’s pitched battle. At the far western end of the Avenue of Eternal Peace, a long line of APCs were gutted and smoking. Several miles in the other direction, the burned body of a soldier was strung up and dangled from an overpass. Headless corpses, crushed by tanks and APCs, were lying on other roads.
State radio, quoting the army newspaper, Liberation Army Daily, said the armed forces had achieved a great victory and crushed counter-revolutionary violence. The official media gave detailed accounts of military casualties, saying 1,000 soldiers had been hurt. It acknowledged only that there had been some civilian casualties. Reports in Peking said the civilian death toll could be as many as 1,400. Across the city, hospitals were overflowing with bodies lying in blood-smeared corridors. Doctors said they were unable to cope with the carnage and many injured were likely to die for lack of attention. In one hospital, a power cut forced surgeons to operate by torchlight to remove bullets.
The state radio unconsciously mimicked the infamous American adage in Vietnam that to save the village you had to destroy it. In explaining the military assault on Peking, the radio said: “It was necessary to undertake that action to save lives and property.”
The troops control Tiananmen Square, the site of the student protest and now the focus of a massive military build-up. More than 100 tanks, dozens of APCs and tens of thousands of troops occupied the square and its surroundings. Throughout the day a helicopter acted as a spotter for the army, taking off and landing in the square repeatedly, and apparently tipping off troops at any sign of a large gathering of civilians.
The square was the army’s, but the battle for the streets had yet to be won. The fight for the hearts and minds of Peking’s citizens seems already lost. Students and an independent and illegal workers’ union have called for a general strike today to express public outrage. However, work already seems to have stopped. Public transport is not operating, many people, frightened and appalled by the violence, have kept away from work.
Activists duck for cover during the Chinese crackdown (Corbis)
New violence seems likely after the capture of an APC by the students and reports that they are building an arsenal of their own from captured weapons. Several university campuses have been surrounded by troops and armoured vehicles. Student leaders urged their colleages to stay indoors, but they seemed to be losing control as anger over the military onslaught on their peaceful movement replaced the carnival mood of previous weeks.
Ordinary citizens taunted the troops with chants of “fascists”, “murderers go home”. Slogans attacking Li Peng, the Prime Minister, had been daubed in blood on buses and walls. “Li Peng, you will never be at peace,” read one message in fresh blood on the side of a booth. Others condemned 84-year-old Deng Xiaoping, China’s paramount leader. According to one report Mr Deng, although in serious condition in hospital, had given the order for the troop advance into the capital, saying that the youth movement had to be suppressed “even if they are protesting out of ignorance”. Acknowledging that many ordinary people had joined the student cause, he is alleged to have said: “In China even one million people is still only a small number.”
The savagery of the army’s action came against a background of political turmoil brought about by the impending succession. How ill Mr Deng is remains unclear, but factions within the party and the military have already begun to stake their claim to lead China when Mr Deng does finally leave the scene. How to handle the students’ Democracy Movement became the focus of the battle for future supremacy. Mr Deng’s once-ordained successor, Zhao Ziyang, the party General Secretary, called for moderation towards the students and has been stripped of his authority, though not yet his title.
Opposing him and, for the moment victorious, is Li Peng. The final outcome is far from certain and he is now not only reviled by Chinese people as a butcher, but totally dependent on the fickle loyalties of the military.
It is a dramatic increase in China’s investment in Ethiopia as spring board for African recolonization . By some estimates, it’s more than doubled in the past five years to more than two billion dollars and bribing the leaders to control one of the ancient independent country. This fuel the country’s recent dramatic foreign pumped growth in the cities making the rich rich and the poor to live in the feudal period creating wide parity.
Egypt’s military deposed the country’s first democratically elected president Wednesday night, installing the head of the country’s highest court as an interim leader, the country’s top general announced.
Gen. Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi said the military was fulfilling its “historic responsibility” to protect the country by ousting Mohamed Morsy, the Western-educated Islamist leader elected a year ago. Morsy failed to meet demands to share power with opponents who thronged the streets of Cairo, and those crowds erupted as the announcement was made.
Ahead of the statement, troops moved into key positions around the capital and surrounded a demonstration by Morsy’s supporters in a Cairo suburb. Citing an unnamed presidential source, the state-run newspaper Al-Ahram reported that “the General Command of the Armed Forces told President Morsy around 7 p.m. (1 p.m. ET) that he is no longer a president for the republic.”
At the final hour, Morsy offered to form an interim coalition government “that would manage the upcoming parliamentary electoral process, and the formation of an independent committee for constitutional amendments to submit to the upcoming parliament,” he said in a posting on his Facebook page. He noted that hundreds of thousands of supporters and protesters had packed plazas around the country, and he urged that his countrymen be allowed to express their opinions through the ballot box.
Video shows clashes at Cairo University
Morsy defies military’s ultimatum
Photos, videos capture Egypt in crisis
“One of the mistakes I cannot accept — as the president of all Egyptians — is to side with one party over another, or to present the scene from one side only. To be fair, we need to listen to the voice of people in all squares,” the statement read.
But as night fell Wednesday, troops surrounded a pro-Morsy demonstration at a Cairo mosque and took control of a key bridge across the Nile River. Gehad El-Haddad, a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood, reported via Twitter that tanks were on the streets.
Morsy was said to be working from a complex belonging to the country’s Republican Guard, across the street from the presidential palace, according to Egyptian state media. Reuters reported that troops were setting up barricades around that facility.
In Washington, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said the U.S. government — Egypt’s leading ally — could not confirm reports of a coup. Psaki said the United States is not taking sides and urged all parties to come to a peaceful resolution to the “tense and fast-moving” situation.
An aide, Essam El Haddad, said in a Facebook posting that a coup was under way and warned that the generals risked bloodshed by moving against Morsy.
“Today, only one thing matters. In this day and age, no military coup can succeed in the face of sizable popular force without considerable bloodshed,” wrote El Haddad, who works in the office of the assistant to the president on foreign relations. “Who among you is ready to shoulder that blame?”
“In a democracy, there are simple consequences for the situation we see in Egypt: The president loses the next election or his party gets penalized in the upcoming parliamentary elections. Anything else is mob rule,” he added.
But Naguib Abadeer, a member of the opposition Free Egyptians Party, said what was under way “is not by any means a military coup. This is a revolution.”
“The people have decided that Mr. Morsy was no longer the legitimate leader of Egypt,” he told CNN.
Abadeer said Morsy lost his legitimacy in November, when he declared courts could not review his decrees and ousted the country’s prosecutor-general. He said Morsy’s supporters in the Muslim Brotherhood — the Islamist movement that propelled Morsy to the presidency — “hijacked the vote of the people” by running on a religious platform, “so these were not democratic elections.”
On Tuesday night, Morsy had vowed that he would not comply with the military’s 48-hour ultimatum and demanded that the armed forces stand down.
“If the price of upholding this legitimacy is my own blood, I am, therefore, ready to sacrifice my blood for this country and its stability,” he said.
But political analyst Hisham Kassem said the speech was Morsy’s “final bluff.”
“He was trying to give the impression ‘We are there in numbers, and we are going to retaliate, we are not going to allow this to happen.’ However, with almost 24 hours since his message, it’s clear his supporters will not dare challenge the crowds on the street,” Kassem said.
All eyes on Egyptian military’s deadline
Egyptian ministers resign amid unrest
He added, “I think President Morsy effectively is no longer running the country.” And faced with the throngs that filled Cairo’s Tahrir Square, “the military had to intervene. Otherwise this crowd was going to get Morsy from his palace.”
Reports of a TV studio takeover
Reuters and several other news organizations reported that Egyptian troops had “secured the central Cairo studios of state television” as the deadline approached and that staff not working on live shows had departed.
CNN has not confirmed the reports; state television denied in an on-air banner that there was any additional military presence at its studios.
Massive demonstrations for and against the former Muslim Brotherhood leader who was elected to office a year ago have been largely peaceful.
But 23 people died, health officials said, and hundreds more were injured in clashes overnight at Cairo University, the state-funded Al-Ahram news agency reported.
Protest leaders have called for nonviolence.
Egypt’s military met Wednesday with religious, national, political and youth leaders to address the crisis, Egyptian military spokesman Ahmed Ali said through his Facebook page.
Egypt protesters’ message to Morsy: Go
Hours earlier, an opposition spokesman accused the United States of propping up Morsy out of concern for neighboring Israel.
“The hour of victory is coming,” said Mahmoud Badr of the Tamarod opposition group. He predicted that the “illegitimate president” would be gone by the end of the day.
“Not America, not Morsy, not anyone can impose their will on the Egyptian people,” Badr said.
With the ultimatum, the armed forces appeared to have thrown their weight behind those opposed to Morsy’s Islamic government.
Early Wednesday, soldiers and police set up a perimeter around the opposition’s central meeting point, Cairo’s Tahrir Square, “to secure it from any possible attack,” the state-run EgyNews agency reported.
It was the police who, on the same spot in 2011, killed hundreds when they fired upon democratic, moderate and Islamic demonstrators seeking to overthrow Hosni Mubarak, the country’s longtime autocratic leader and U.S. ally.
Mubarak had repressed the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamic political movement that emerged as the nation’s most powerful political force once Mubarak was ousted.
At a pro-democracy protest in Cairo, demonstrators expressed anger and fear over what the coming hours could bring.
The Muslim Brotherhood spokesman, Gehad El-Haddad, told CNN that tanks and armored vehicles — accompanied by thugs carrying knives, pistols and ammunition — had been moved to the northern and southern entrances of the square in an apparent attempt to drive them out.
The military fired warning shots into the air, and shot one Muslim Brotherhood member in the leg, El-Haddad said, but the remaining protesters were standing in defiance in front of the tanks.
Some of the protesters oppose Morsy but also oppose pushing from power a democratically elected leader, he said. “Under no circumstances will we ever accept a military-backed coup,” he said.
But many of the democratic reformers and moderates who accused Morsy’s government of moving in an authoritarian direction now support former Mubarak allies and others fed up with the nation’s direction in calling for the restoration of order through the military.
They have been pushing to oust Morsy and his Muslim conservative government, whose leaders were drawn primarily from the ranks of the Muslim Brotherhood. They say they have collected more than 20 million signatures on a petition to remove him — millions more than the number who voted Morsy into the presidency.
In recent days, anti-Morsy demonstrators have ransacked Muslim Brotherhood offices all over the country.
Protesters: We’re not going; he must go
Morsy’s close adviser speaks to Amanpour
The military’s plans
Military leaders have told Arab media that they were planning to suspend the constitution, dissolve the parliament and sideline Morsy.
In his place, they would install a mainly civilian interim council until a new constitution can be drafted and a new president elected.
The military’s ultimatum was intended to push all factions toward a national consensus, not to seize power through a coup, a spokesman, Col. Ahmed Ali, said Monday in a
THE recent demise of the Ethiopian prime minister and strongman, Meles Zenawi, brings to an end an interesting chapter of contemporary history in the Horn of Africa region. His passing away was not entirely unexpected. The Ethiopian leader was incommunicado for most of this year, even skipping important events like the African Union summit in July this year which he was hosting. The nature of his long illness has not been disclosed.
Zenawi was cast in the mould of traditional African strongmen, brooking little dissent during his long years in power. Born on May 8, 1955, Zenawi came to power after a bloody civil war 21 years ago, becoming the youngest head of state in Africa at the time. The man he replaced was Mengistu Haile Merriam, whose military dominated government had tried to introduce socialism in a country that was dominated by feudal elements and ethnic rivalries. Mengistu had played a key role in the overthrow of the decadent pro-western monarch, Emperor Haile Selassie. Under Mengistu, Ethiopia was in the forefront of the countries supporting the liberation movements on the African continent. Ethiopia at the time was a staunch ally of the Soviet bloc.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the West had targeted the Ethiopian government for regime change. Washington and its allies decided to support the two main guerrilla groupings leading the fight against the central government in Addis Ababa — the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF) led by Isaias Afirwerki. Interestingly, the two groups at the time had an avowed Marxist agenda which was actually to the Left of Mengistu. Zenawi in fact was critical of both the Soviet Union and China and was an avowed supporter of the hard-liner Albanian Communist Party of Enver Hoxha. But Washington seemed confident that it would be able to manage the transition from Mengistu to its satisfaction. The two guerrilla groups which had worked closely in the struggle to overthrow Mengistu had an understanding that the country would be partitioned and the long running Eritrean demand for freedom would be respected.
Soon after Zenawi became president in 1991, the people of Eritrea were allowed to hold a referendum in which they duly voted for secession. Eritrea became independent, taking with it the entire coastline and the seaports that once belonged to a united Ethiopia. Mengistu whom he overthrew was totally against the partitioning of the country. For most of the nineties, both Ethiopia and the newly independent Eritreacompeted with each other to be the major strategic ally of Washington in the region, dumping their earlier anti-western rhetoric by the wayside. Within years, it was the more astute Zenawi who became the “chosen one” of the West in the region.
FIGHTING THE US’S
WAR IN SOMALIA
Relations between the erstwhile allies soon became unfriendly, due to a variety of reasons which included border disputes and economic matters. Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a brutal war between 1998 and 2000. A measure of Zenawi’s clout with the West in particular and the international community in general can be gauged from the fact that poverty stricken Eritrea is today under international sanctions while Ethiopia continues to be one of the biggest recipients of international aid. The country received four billion dollars in aid every year. The major charge against Eritrea is that its government is supporting the Al Shabab militia in Somalia which is fighting Ethiopian troops occupying their country.
Zenawi had played a key role in ensuring that the moderate Islamist Courts Union (ICU) was ousted from power after it had briefly united the war ravaged Somalia in 2006. At the behest of Washington, Meles sent in the Ethiopian army to Mogadishu. Somalia was once again caught in the vortex of a civil war. The ouster of the ICU led to the emergence of the more militant Al Shabab which till last year was controlling most of the country, including parts of the capital. Though the US air cover, coupled with the help of the Ethiopian armed forces, pushed out the Al Shabab from the big cities, the group remains defiant and is trying to push its fight into Ethiopia. US military drones which wreaked havoc over Somalia are stationed in Ethiopia.
The sizeable Muslim population in Ethiopia had also started organising against the central government in Addis. Among the groups that are currently engaged in small scale hostilities with the central government in Addis Ababa is the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which was formed in 1973. The other is the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), another group that has been militarily clashing with the Ethiopian government since 2007. Zenawi, taking a page from the USSR constitution, had at the time of taking power grandiosely proclaimed that the ethnic nationalities which make up the mosaic of Ethiopia all had the right of self-determination and even the right to secede. But after the secession of Eritrea, Zenawi only paid lip service to this concept and in reality cracked the whip against movements like the OLF and the ONLF. During Zenawi’s long rule, larger ethnic groups like the Amhara and the Oromos felt sidelined. Till Zenawi came to the scene, the Amhara had monopolised power at the centre.
Despite Washington’s alleged priority of spreading multiparty democracy in Africa, its major allies have been authoritarian rulers like Zenawi, who ran the country with an iron fist. The opposition as well as the media was severely curtailed by Zenawi. Many Ethiopians believe that the 2005 elections in which the political coalition led by Zenawi — the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) — faced a tough challenge from the opposition, was stolen. The TPLF remains at the core of the ruling coalition, with a tight knit group around Zenawi, consisting mainly of close colleagues from the Tigray region, running the show. The powerful armed forces are dominated by the Tigrayans. The Tigrayans constitute only eight per cent of the country’s 82 million people.
POVERTY STILL A REALITY
On the day the votes were to be tallied in the 2005 elections, the government declared a state of emergency, outlawing public gatherings and arresting scores of opposition leaders and activists. When the results were announced the government claimed a sweeping majority. “The best and the brightest have been persecuted, prosecuted, brutalised and silenced by the dictator,” an exiled opposition leader observed. After 2005, most of the opposition leadership were either jailed or went in to exile. More than 200 people were killed and 30,000 arrested in the protests that erupted after the election results were announced. In the 2010 elections, the EPRDF won the elections with more than 99 per cent of the votes.
Zenawi had received accolades from the international community for his handling of the country’s economy. Ethiopia’s average GDP growth in the last decade was between 8 to 10 per cent, making it comparable to China’s. Zenawi’s close relations with the West ensured that his country remains among the top ten recipients of humanitarian aid in the world. Ensuring “food security” was a top priority for the Zenawi government. He had committed himself to ending the country’s dependence on food aid. But one of his policies aimed at making the country self-sufficient in food — that of leasing large tracts of land to foreign companies, including Indian owned ones, has generated domestic and international controversy. Almost half of the land in Gambela province bordering South Sudan has been leased out to foreign companies, displacing thousands of people. The government claimed that large scale land leasing policies would bring in millions of dollars in investment that would also create jobs and improve domestic agricultural expertise.
Some of the benefits of economic growth trickled down to the grassroots level. The share of Ethiopians living in extreme poverty has fallen from 45 per cent to 30 per cent since Zenawi took power more than 20 years ago. The country’s road network was improved and more than 15,000 rural health clinics were opened. But widespread malnutrition and poverty are still very much a reality in Ethiopia. A report by Human Rights Watch had detailed the discriminatory way in which development money was spent. The biggest gainers were the Tigreyans and other smaller ethnic groups that constitute the main support for the ruling EPRDF.
Ethiopia’s dictatorial ruling party on Saturday named as its leader acting Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who took over after the death last month of longtime dictator , an official said at the end of a congress of party bosses and internal dispute that lasted over two month and which is still continuing.
As chairman of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front, or EPRDF, Hailemariam, 47, will almost certainly be confirmed as the country’s prime minister in an upcoming official ceremony., Ethiopia’s communications minister said Hailemariam would be sworn in soon. It remains unclear exactly when, but Bereket said this might happen early next month.
Since the party holds an overwhelming majority the party’s chair since the dumped election of 2010, he will automatically is the country’s prime minister, according to Bereket said. “So Hailemariam will be the country’s new prime minister”. This would be true only if the internal factional power crisis did not explode in public and accelerate the end of the regime.
A 180-member council of the EPRDF appointed Hailemariam unanimously and also selected Education Ministerto become deputy chairman. The ruling party controls 545 of the 547 seats in parliament, guaranteeing swift passage of its resolutions.
Hailemariam ascension to the ruling party’s top leadership signals that he is just warming the seat for someone else and that behind party officials will use as a symbolic head, And are not keen to respect the wishes of Melees, who picked Hailemariam from obscurity and made him foreign minister and deputy prime minister without contributing to the coming of the ruling junta to power through the barrel of the gun.
For international observer especially for the competing interests the US and China that the ruling party would pick Hailemariam, who promises to continue the domestic and foreign policies in their respective favor. Since he does not have the true power in his hand to harness his decision making will be highly hampered by unfinished internal faction disputes of TPLF and EPRDF. (Tigrian and Ethnical parties)
It seems they are obliged but to go through with appointing Hailemariam since the last two month they could not arrive to find a true successor of Melees Zenawie. Hailemariam is a choice by default till the internal power struggle for succession finally settles. It has been impossible for the ruling party the last two month to find replacement that is acceptable to the four coalition members and the different factions that made them last over one month old to declare Dictator Melees Zenawie death to public. . His official death was declared one month after on Aug. 20 of an undisclosed illness in a Belgian hospital. His bosses praised him for his obedience, the great majority of Ethiopian and their supporters s saw him as a tyrant who restricted freedoms, including free speech and free press:-
According to the said after the death of Melees that Hailemariam was not likely to be as pivotal and decisive a figure as the man he replaced.
“Given the opacity of the inner workings of the government and army, it is impossible to say exactly what it will look like and who will end up in charge. Nonetheless, any likely outcome suggests a much weaker government, a more influential security apparatus and endangered internal stability,” the group’s report said.
Ethiopian authorities did not act in accordance with the letter and spirit of the constitution when they wanted to name an Desallegn as an interim prime minster following their announcement of the late premier’s death. His wife is even trying to mourn herself to power calming her husband’s place with no avail.
Zenawi’s Ethnical constitution does not assure succession of the vise primer to his post . The post of Deputy Premier is a pure creation of the “immortal” Dictator Zenawie. He executes only responsibilities entrusted to him by the Melese and to act on behalf of the PM in his absence not at his death. Thus Dessalegn could not succeed the deadly dictator of Ethiopia based on Article 75. He does not even have legally present he is a pure creation of Melees Zenawie. Like the The Negus Melese aeie Zenever thought he will never die assured himself the full power with no succession in his dictated constitution inspired from Albert Koja of Albania.
Now Ethiopia is left with no Premier post but vacant since nothing is mentioned in the constitution. It was written in a way no one would replace the great dictator Melese Zenawie written by him. Desallegn playing PM without any legal legitimacy until parliament met. But the main issue of the day is that none one yet named Desallegn as an interim PM…
According to the ethnical constitution Article 73 is made only to the PM to be elected by the parliament from among its members. Thus, it’s only the parliament that can elect a PM,
Bereket Simon’s the Eritrean classic liar made a constitutional error when he say that the parliament will soon meet and ceremoniously elect Desallegn.
The most contending for Melese’s place today are:-
Azeb Mesfin his wife?
Berhane G/ Kristos, formerly ambassador to the US and EU and currently the de jure Foreign Minister
Getachew Asefa Head of the country’s intelligence services,
The Eritrean Haile Tekel Haymanot known as Kuma Demeksa, mayor of Addis Ababa
Seyoum Mesfin, the long time Foreign Minister and current ambassador to China
The Eritreean Bereket Simon, head of the ruling party’s and the government’s Information office
H/ Mariam Desalegn, the interim Premier
Since the sickness of Melese Zenawie and his death a month ago a committee of 7 has been established to assure the succession of power:- 4 Tigerian, 1 Oromo, 1 Amhara and 1 from the South
will Continue …
The Ethiopian regime hid for a month the death of Dictator Melese Zenawie and declared his death after the death of Melee’ss personally picked Patriarch Paulos last weak. Both originated from the famous historical city of Adwa where Menlik II won anti colonial war in 1896.
The Former guerrilla leader came to power in 1991. He will be succeeded by deputy prime minister, state TV say.
Melese had not been seen in several weeks. The government lied in July that he was taking a break to recover from an
unspecified condition and will come to office before the Ethiopian New year.
State television finally declared today that Hailemariam Desalegn, deputy prime minister, will be acting prime minister.
Rumours that Meles was seriously ill had been rife since the former guerrilla leader failed to attend an African Union summit in Addis Ababa last month. Last seen thin and weak at Los Camos, G -20 meeting.
Ethiopian Melees Zenawie came to power in 1991 marking a beginning of a new social time in the Horn of Africa in General and in Ethiopia particular. This era includes 3 social times;-
The first 1991-1998. This is a time Issaias Afwerki and Melese Zenawie ruled together.
The second time started in 1998 with the war between Melees Zenawie and Isasias which ended in 2005 a time Melees Zenawie Lost election.
The third time started in 2005 and ended in 2012, where Melees Zenawie and Isasias Afwerki fall sick and became incapacitated to control power with arm.
Each social time contains 7 years with a total of 21 years which ended in 2012.
Now is the commencement of new era of social time for the people of the Horn of Africa particularly Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has announced the death of its ” patriarch”, Abune Paulos named by Melese Zenawie.
Ethiopian Melese Zenawie came to power in 1991 marking a beginning of a new social time in the Horn of Africa in General and in Ethiopia particular. This era includes 3 social times. Each social time contains 7 years with a total of 21 years which ended in 2012.
The first 1991-1998. This is a time Issaias Afwerki and Melese Zenawie rulled together.
Both plunder Ethiopia with mercilessness dividing the country Ethnically while keeping Tigray and Eritrea undivided respectively.
The second time started in 1998 with the war between Melese Zenawie and isaias which ended in 2005 a time Melese Zenawie Lost election and Issas killed all his 15 camarad in arm.
The third time started in 2005 and ended in 2012, where Melese Zenawie and Issaias Afwerki fall sick and became incapacitated to control power rule with arm.
Now is the commencement of new era of social time for the people of the Horn of Africa particularly Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia to live in peace in harmony and complimentary to one another .
Has anyone seen Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Zenawi? by Graham Peebles
To many Ethiopians the sudden disappearance of Prime Minister Zenawi is a source of joy and excited expectation, for his die-hard supporters apprehension no doubt and concern for their leader. Is he dead they ask, or perhaps critically ill, has he run away, finally overwhelmed by guilt and shame at the way he and his ministerial cronies have treated the people of Ethiopia, since they took power from the communist Derg twenty one years ago. Or is he recovering from illness peacefully on some isolated retreat.
Since the Arab Spring of 2011 Ethiopia tested its share reaching climax in 2012.
This video shows the different positions of the Ethiopian Islamist and the different manifestations those anti and pro as the situation start being exploited by the regime which is leading to more exacerbation and more clamp down with no solution.
The revolt would lead to general uprising and regime change, if it is not kidnapped by sectarians and only if the other sector of the society joins the insurgency.
The relevant modern history of Ethiopia starts in 1974 when Emperor Haile Selaisse was ousted and a communist government took its place. After much upheaval, this period ended in 1991 with the overthrow of Mengitsu Haile Mariam. Eritria, a restive province, declared its independence and separated in 1991. A new constitution was written in 1994 and following this, Meles Zenawi came to power in 1995 and has remained the head of his country ever since. In the last legislative elections, the coalition he heads, The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), of which his own party, The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) is by far the largest component, obtained over 99 per cent of the vote. With a history that goes back almost 4000 years, Ethiopia is culturally rich. The country is also culturally diverse. Although three main groups make up more than 70 per cent of the population, Ethiopia is home to almost 90 different ethno-linguistic groups. The Oromo, the largest ethnic group, contains, between 30 to 40 per cent of the country’s population. The heterogeneous nature of Ethiopian society, and its past unitary state status makes comparisons with Nepal logical. The International Crisis Group issued a report in 2009 entitled Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and its Discontents that was quite critical of the country’s current political structure. It argued that despite the nomenclature used, Ethiopia was far from being a true federation and rather that much power was centralized. Another study by Edmund J. Keller of the University of California, Los Angeles, concluded that Ethiopia is characterized by ‘limited autonomous decision making below the regional state level’ and a ‘great deal’ of central control making the country a ‘pseudo-democracy’ in reality.
Thus, all the progress and equality that ethnic federalism was supposed to have brought about appears not to have happened in reality. Breaking down the old unitary state was supposed to have led to a greater appreciation for inter ethnic differences, but, according to the ICG paper, in many cases just the opposite has happened. Very large ethnic groups like the Oromo have felt inadequately represented in the new system and continue to wage small scale violent attacks against the state. In fact, the ICG report suggests that this discontent among the Oromo could prove to be fatal to the Ethiopian state. Oromos may think that if they are not given more freedoms that the present government is no less oppressive than the ones in the past and may even decide to secede as the Eritrians did. Because Oromos are such a large fraction of the population, their secession would have enormous consequences. The irony is that Oromos have gained many more opportunities and rights under the present regime than they did in the past. Yet, many ethnic Oromo do not seem to be particularly grateful to the present government, and they argue that the few rights they are enjoying now are a result of the sacrifices made by their own indigenous movements such as the Oromo Liberation Front, which was started in 1974 (and which is now outlawed).
The EPRDF is dismissive of such claims, arguing that it alone brought ethnic consciousness among the people. Yet, it wants to have its cake and eat it too. It wants to take the moral high ground by declaring that it alone has given Ethiopia’s marginalized ethnic groups freedom and rights, and yet it does not want to give away real power to the federal units. Is this viable? Democratic countries, working ostensibly towards democratic ideals cannot hope to align themselves with autocrats for too long and still be thought of as being morally upright. Sooner or later, Meles will either be asked to reform himself or be discarded. In that case, Ethiopia will face many more difficulties trying to control secessionist movements.
Thus, Ethiopia’s case demonstrates that ethnic federalism, if not coupled with real autonomy and reforms can be seen by ethnic groups as only a token acceptance of their sovereignty. In that case, they may decide that only full independence can guarantee their rights. The Maoists’ understanding of ethnic independence seems to echo, in many ways that of the EPRDF (which itself is said to have a Stalinist understanding of ‘nationalities’ as they are ‘former’ communists). That is, the Maoists seem to want to give the various ethnic groups a few rights of self determination, while keeping most of the power at the center. But as ethnic groups in Nepal appear to have internalized their original identities even more strongly than in Ethiopia, it seems that the Maoists can no more control these movements as they could in the past.
The 2012 Failed state Index is released the eighth edition of its annual Failed States Index (FSI), highlighting global political, economic and social pressures experienced by states.
The 2012 FSI ranks the Horn of Africa dominates that of Somalia as number one for the fifth consecutive year, citing widespread lawlessness, ineffective government, terrorism, insurgency, crime, and well-publicized pirate attacks against foreign vessels, while Ethiopia stood at the 17 place scoring 97.7 worst than Eritrea that stood 23 with a score of 94.3. Kenya stood 16 with a score of 98.4.
Ethiopia lost three places from last year. It is the worst while dealing with its demography at the same time India has more demographic trends scores 78 place with 78.1 points. So there is no reason why Ethiopia scored the worst in its ability to meet the challenges of Demographic Pressures only deference is democracy and development. Ethiopia is the second most populous nation in Africa and has one of the highest birth rates in the world, it constantly struggles to feed itself with its dictatorial leaders letting the most fertile land to be grabbed by the Indian and Saudi speculators while over 70 % three meals a day . Ethiopia would be first if the score is only based on the country that starves worst its population the last 50 years. Last but not list Ethiopia’s worst security apparatus that terrorize its own population and human right violations pushes here up on the index.
Meanwhile, Finland has remained in the best position, with its Scandinavian neighbors Sweden and Denmark rounding out the best three rankings. All three nations benefit from strong social and economic indicators, paired with excellent provision of public services and respect for human rights and the rule of law.
The FSI ranks 178 countries using 12 social, economic, and political indicators of pressure on the state, along with over 100 sub-indicators. These include such issues as Uneven Development, State Legitimacy, Group Grievance, and Human Rights. Each indicator is rated on a scale of 1-10, based on the analysis of millions of publicly available documents, other quantitative data, and assessments by analysts. A high score indicates high pressure on the state, and therefore a higher risk of instability.
Other notable changes this year include countries affected by the Arab Spring. Bahrain, Egypt, Libya, Syria and Tunisia all ranked significantly worse than the previous year. Libya’s decline was the most remarkable, with the country registering the worst year-on-year worsening in the history of the FSI as a result of civil war, a NATO-led campaign of airstrikes and the toppling of the Kaddafi regime. Similarly, Syria registered the fourth-greatest year-on-year worsening in the history of the FSI as the campaign of violence by the Assad government took hold.
Witnesses say that hundreds of gun-toting al-Shabab fighters have moved back into central Somali towns abandoned over the last week by Ethiopian troops. At the same time many foreigners are abandoning the Eritrean capital in fear of the eventual Ethiopian Attack to topple the main allay of Alshabab Isasias Afwerki from his strong hold.
Many Witnesses say that hundreds of gun-toting Al-Shabab fighters have moved back into central Somali towns abandoned over the last week by Ethiopian troops as the same time from Asmara many of the Diasporas is contacted by their families at home that the Europeans residents are packing and we are informed by our local reporter
Ali Muhyadin, a resident in the town of El-bur, said Tuesday that residents woke up on Sunday and found that Ethiopian troops had abandoned their bases, while in Asmara the allied of Alshabab the Europeans are precipitating to leave.
Residents said al-Shabab fighters then beheaded two men accused of collaborating with the Ethiopians and dumped their headless bodies in town.
Al-Shabab was reported to have returned to two other towns – Mahas and Wabho – after Ethiopian troops left.
The pretext is reported by the Ethiopian that their dictator has recently promised that Ethiopian forces would leave Somalia soon but the capital of Eritrea the westerns are following closely the conflict since mid may. Ethiopian forces still occupy the larger towns of Baidoa and Beledweyne in Somalia and Badme the border city between two belligerent brothers in arm- Zenawie & Afwerki. Even the former troop have occupied more territories inside Eritrea since the last accrochage . Soon the hidden conflict will come to light when the international media turns its attention, today it seems a forgotten conflict in front of Iraq and Afghanistan.