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Uganda

Uganda Joined the North African uprisings, Museveni spend his time buying Jet planes and Melese Constructing Death Dams in Ethiopia

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The recent mutiny  in Abidjan, the army revolt in Burkina Faso and the uprising in Kampala demonstrate that Africans have joined the Arabic uprisings to eliminate there  in human dictators. In Uganda the Protest is led by the city which supported Musevenie to power- Mbale. The protest was triggered by food  price and the  repeted arrest of the opposition leader for the 4th time in a month  Dr. Kiza Besigye. The same is expected any time in Ethiopia while the regime is trying to divert the attention towards Eritrea and by constructing a Death Dam of inhuman proportion to irrigate the grabbed land of the starving millions.

The man in power in Uganda since 1986, President Museveni’s ordered his army to shoot at everything that moves the streets of Kampala like his friend Gaddafi in Misrata. It was  best  demonstration his dictatorial behavior which is similar to that of Gaddafi and Idi Amin Dada when his soldiers wounded a child in the streets of his capital today.

Uganda as a nation is start seeing the return of Idi Amin’s times when Museveni could not help the rising prices of basic commodities and fuel, and the loss of life and pain inflicted on them by his forces. Rather he bloody confirmed that the rising prices of food, is good news to farmers like Melese Zenawie of Ethiopia.  Musevine in Kampala and Melese in Addis Ababa  Knew well and good the high prices of food commodities are due to a number of factors beyond farmers’ control or could be controlled  by artificially imposing prices like in Ethiopia. It seems the African dictators are far disconnected from the reality on the ground.

First, prices are high due to low food production. It is simply  when the supply is low, prices tend to be high and vice versa. Farmers are not going to  reap money from rising prices just from the air. The Dictator of Kampala is responsible for the t negligence in the agricultural sector is to blame for the food scarcity and hence high prices and poor living conditions like his collage in Ethiopia Melese Zenawie. The later is megalomaniac is  building dams while over 2 million Ethiopians are starving to death.

The great lakes dictator dream that Uganda could become a food basket for Africa  is far from reality.

Like in Ethiopia the Ugandans are disappointed by the way the nation’s resources and money have been spent- purchase of the multi-million fighter jets. Again like Ethiopia  Ugandans need today is ability to feed their children, send them to school and be able to meet basic health care services. President Museveni is aware that sophisticated weaponry does not necessarily ensure the survival of a government since he defeated the mighty army of Milton Obote having started his guerrilla group with only 27 guns and his friend  Melees to defeat the great army of Mengistu Haile Mariam with few university drop outs. Nor the great  Death dam in Ethiopia will save Melees Zenawi from the coming Social tsunami.

What keeps the government in power and ensures the safety of its nationals is the WILL of the people. It was people’s will that brought President Museveni to power. Once people lose trust in the government, it cannot survive anymore. Gaddafi has got all sorts of arms but used it against his won people. Therefore, why should the nation waste all this money on weapons in Uganda and Dams in Ethiopia while people are starving in both countries?

In Ethiopian and in Uganda the only enemy one can think of is the opposition; those individual  who do not share the same political ideology with their respective  current regimes.  Not surprisingly, all the arms purchased will be used to kill nobody but Ugandans! And all the dam waters on the Nile will be used to irrigate the grabbed starving farms fields.

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The Reign of Museveni in Uganda prolongs for 3 decades…

Yoweri Museveni Uganda’s longtime president reconfirms his domino by wining 68 per cent of votes in Friday’s poll, allowing him to extend his 25-year hold on power. The Election Commission of Uganda declared that the main challenger Kizza Besigye took 26 per cent of the vote, but the top opposition leader alleged the election was fraudulent and rejected the results for the third time.

Political power conquered through the barrel a gun has never been relinquished   by democratic process.  Museveni once insurgent commander who seized power at the head of a guerrilla army in 1986, used to  criticize African rulers who clung to power has now confirmed the rest of the international rebels who took power in Asia( China, Vietnam, Cambodia), Africa ( Uganda, Rwanda, Zambia, Angola, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Latin America(Cuba Nicaragua won back by election). Thus to this day, from Ethiopia down to Rwanda, Zimbabwe passing Angola, Armed Liberation Front leaders are still in power, aided by powerful armies and a ruthless readiness to use violence once they fought for. Democracy has reached in some African nations those received independence through colonial pacts since the fall of the Iron curtain. From Countries which conquered their liberty under the barrel of the gun, very few could be mention who saw the light of democracy:  Tanzania, South Africa-Namibia; others are suffering under authoritarian leaders who have clung to power.

Musevini’s opponent was personal doctor and a long time comrade in struggle Mr. Besigye has previously threatened Egypt-style protest, but on Sunday, he declared that he was still considering other options. But on Sunday, Mr. Besigye pledged to work “to bring an end to the illegitimate government.”

But he stopped short of calling for street protests. Mr. Museveni said last week he would jail anyone who tried to spark Egypt-style unrest.

Mr. Besigye said widespread bribery, ballot-stuffing and harassment rendered the poll illegitimate.

“[We] reject the outcome of the elections,” Mr. Besigye said Sunday. “[We] reject the leadership of Mr. Yoweri Museveni.”

Foreign election observers said that there had been serious flaws with the voting process and the campaign. They said state resources were used to skew the elections in Mr. Museveni’s favor.

“The power of incumbency was exercised to such an extent as to compromise severely the level playing field between the competing candidates,” said Edward Scicluna, head of the European Union monitoring mission.

While previous election campaigns were marred by violence against opposition candidates, observers say Mr. Museveni allowed opposition candidates a freer hand to campaign this year, following the example of Melese Zenawie of Ethiopia assuring his post in advance.

The Ugandan voters went to the ballot boxes on Friday knowing there is little chance of a defeat for President Yoweri Museveni. Uganda’s opposition leaders have warned of Egypt-inspired revolts in the streets if the election is rigged, but analysts don’t expect them to make a dent in the rule of Mr. Museveni, a former general who maintains a strong grip on the army.

Many commentators believe that the people-power revolutions of North Africa will not spread to the rest of Africa. They dare to confirm that the Revolution is often a luxury of an educated middle class, and much of Africa is too rural and too poor to sustain a national uprising.  But such type of analysis   seems short of memory and very reductionist when it comes to sub Saharan Africa.  They forgot Ethiopia of 1974 predominately peasant society brought down half a century old Dynasty from power. The same was with Uganda and Ruanda the revolt started in the cities and went to the country side and started armed struggle with farmers and other Ethnic groups.

The other factor very often cited is African technological factor, that the Internet access is still relatively low in most of Africa. In 1960’ Kenya revolt of the Mao Mao did not need any kind of technological support to execute such in human massacre, and that of Congo rebellion led by Patrice Lumba had no other communication means but mouth to the ear but threw the Belgium out.  The other stereotype is that ethnic and religious divisions considered as a huge obstacle to the organization of national protests. They forget the inverse is also true that ethnicity has been a base of organization as we have seen in liberation struggle in 1960 against the one and the same enemy unjust domination of any kind internal or external. If we take for example the subjugation by a minority in power the rest of the majority groups could create a solidarity which surpasses ethic cleavage   as seen in the past for liberation struggles all over Africa. Today its seems the minority in power will further t sustain power without baying out the  majority which are enrolled  in the army belongs to other tribes men like  in Uganda, Rwanda and Ethiopia… but not for long.

Except Algeria the Arab world came to independence with a colonial pact followed by free officers military coup e.g., Libya, Egypt, Syrian mid 50’s.  In 1960’w Africa was going to liberation struggle while these countries were under military rule after reversing the Kingship put in place by leaving colonial powers.  The new Social Media Protests in the Arab world is the first revolution they are going though in their post independence period. Africa must go through its Social Media revolution to get out of the genocidal dictators reigning starting from Ethiopia down to Angola….

Yoweri Museveni Uganda’s longtime president reconfirms his domino by wining 68 per cent of votes in Friday’s poll, allowing him to extend his 25-year hold on power. The Election Commission of Uganda declared that the main challenger Kizza Besigye took 26 per cent of the vote, but the top opposition leader alleged the election was fraudulent and rejected the results for the third time.

Political power conquered through the barrel a gun has never been relinquished   by democratic process.  Museveni once insurgent commander who seized power at the head of a guerrilla army in 1986, used to  criticize African rulers who clung to power has now confirmed the rest of the international rebels who took power in Asia( China, Vietnam, Cambodia), Africa ( Uganda, Rwanda, Zambia, Angola, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Latin America(Cuba Nicaragua won back by election). Thus to this day, from Ethiopia down to Rwanda, Zimbabwe passing Angola, Armed Liberation Front leaders are still in power, aided by powerful armies and a ruthless readiness to use violence once they fought for. Democracy has reached in some African nations those received independence through colonial pacts since the fall of the Iron curtain. From Countries which conquered their liberty under the barrel of the gun, very few could be mention who saw the light of democracy:  Tanzania, South Africa-Namibia; others are suffering under authoritarian leaders who have clung to power.

Musevini’s opponent was personal doctor and a long time comrade in struggle Mr. Besigye has previously threatened Egypt-style protest, but on Sunday, he declared that he was still considering other options. But on Sunday, Mr. Besigye pledged to work “to bring an end to the illegitimate government.”

But he stopped short of calling for street protests. Mr. Museveni said last week he would jail anyone who tried to spark Egypt-style unrest.

Mr. Besigye said widespread bribery, ballot-stuffing and harassment rendered the poll illegitimate.

“[We] reject the outcome of the elections,” Mr. Besigye said Sunday. “[We] reject the leadership of Mr. Yoweri Museveni.”

Foreign election observers said that there had been serious flaws with the voting process and the campaign. They said state resources were used to skew the elections in Mr. Museveni’s favor.

“The power of incumbency was exercised to such an extent as to compromise severely the level playing field between the competing candidates,” said Edward Scicluna, head of the European Union monitoring mission.

While previous election campaigns were marred by violence against opposition candidates, observers say Mr. Museveni allowed opposition candidates a freer hand to campaign this year, following the example of Melese Zenawie of Ethiopia assuring his post in advance.

The Ugandan voters went to the ballot boxes on Friday knowing there is little chance of a defeat for President Yoweri Museveni. Uganda’s opposition leaders have warned of Egypt-inspired revolts in the streets if the election is rigged, but analysts don’t expect them to make a dent in the rule of Mr. Museveni, a former general who maintains a strong grip on the army.

Many commentators believe that the people-power revolutions of North Africa will not spread to the rest of Africa. They dare to confirm that the Revolution is often a luxury of an educated middle class, and much of Africa is too rural and too poor to sustain a national uprising.  But such type of analysis   seems short of memory and very reductionist when it comes to sub Saharan Africa.  They forgot Ethiopia of 1974 predominately peasant society brought down half a century old Dynasty from power. The same was with Uganda and Ruanda the revolt started in the cities and went to the country side and started armed struggle with farmers and other Ethnic groups.

The other factor very often cited is African technological factor, that the Internet access is still relatively low in most of Africa. In 1960’ Kenya revolt of the Mao Mao did not need any kind of technological support to execute such in human massacre, and that of Congo rebellion led by Patrice Lumba had no other communication means but mouth to the ear but threw the Belgium out.  The other stereotype is that ethnic and religious divisions considered as a huge obstacle to the organization of national protests. They forget the inverse is also true that ethnicity has been a base of organization as we have seen in liberation struggle in 1960 against the one and the same enemy unjust domination of any kind internal or external. If we take for example the subjugation by a minority in power the rest of the majority groups could create a solidarity which surpasses ethic cleavage   as seen in the past for liberation struggles all over Africa. Today its seems the minority in power will further t sustain power without baying out the  majority which are enrolled  in the army belongs to other tribes men like  in Uganda, Rwanda and Ethiopia… but not for long.

Except Algeria the Arab world came to independence with a colonial pact followed by free officers military coup e.g., Libya, Egypt, Syrian mid 50’s.  In 1960’w Africa was going to liberation struggle while these countries were under military rule after reversing the Kingship put in place by leaving colonial powers.  The new Social Media Protests in the Arab world is the first revolution they are going though in their post independence period. Africa must go through its Social Media revolution to get out of the genocidal dictators reigning starting from Ethiopia down to Angola….

Rwanda & Uganda still stand accused of “The Great Lake Genocide” Muse Tegegne, Prof.

Map on DR Congo and its neighbours

The United Nations controversial Report on the “Genocide” in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1990s is published after being tempered  down due to the pressure exercised by Rwanda and Uganda on the world body.

This accusation of genocide is mainly against Rwanda’s regime led by President Paul Kagame.  This  eventually would break the    the  status quo  he has developed that his government has  stopped the mass killings of his fellow Tutsis and moderate Hutus in 1994. The cause of the genocide is mainly based on the identity of the Tutsi being as Ethiopians and considered as occupiers. This ideology was inculcated by the divide and rule methodology of the colonial powers. The regime of Kagame adamantly rejects the Ethiopian origin of the Tutsis’ descent. He goes far even by rejecting the existence of any ethnic difrences between the Bawetu,  and Batutsi of  the Great Lakes. The Tutis   and Hutus found  themselves divided  by  post colonial borders in  Rwanda, Burundi, DR Congo, Tanzania, Uganda without fair share of the natural resources is the main cause  of the conflict prepared and designed in the Berlin Conference of African Scramble in 1880’s.

In this new Report both Uganda and Rwanda  stand accused of  committing war crimes against ethnic Hutus in DR Congo during the conflict as a revenge to the 1994 genocide committed against the Tutis due to their Ethiopian origin. Both Ankoli (Uganda) and Tutsi tribes of the Great Lakes regions of Africa traces their origin from Ethiopian descent.

They both countries had threatened to pull out of UN peacekeeping missions in response to the Publication of the Report.

The report divulgates the crimes never previously documented into conflicts in the DR Congo between 1993 and 2003.   It is about 600 incidents and includes allegations of massacres of civilians, torture, and the destruction of infrastructure that leading to Genocide. The anti Ethiopian Tutsi militiamen responsible for that genocide of the Ethiopian Tutsi and the Moderate e Hutus fled into Zaire, where they were pursued by troops loyal to President Kagame and were victim of torture and mass killing leading to Genocide.

UN report mainly accuses them of killings tens of thousands of Hutu. The the only difference between the draft and final reports is that lawyers have gone through it with a fine toothcomb, especially where genocide is mentioned

The final report is manipulated   with cautious language but the basic allegations of against Rwanda and Uganda “Genocide in Congo”   supposedly still maintained.

Prof. Muse Tegegne

OHCHR header

DRC: Mapping human rights violations 1993-2003

DRC: Mapping human rights violations 1993-2003

In the wake of the discovery of three mass graves in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in late 2005, the United Nations first announced its intention to send a human rights team to conduct a mapping exercise in DRC in a June 2006 report to the Security Council.

In May 2007, the UN Secretary-General approved the terms of reference of the mapping exercise following a series of consultations among relevant UN agencies and partners and with the Congolese government

The mapping exercise, led by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) had three objectives:

  • Conduct a mapping exercise of the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the DRC between March 1993 and June 2003.
  • Assess the existing capacities within the national justice system to deal appropriately with such human rights violations that may be uncovered.
  • Formulate a series of options aimed at assisting the Government of the DRC in identifying appropriate transitional justice mechanisms to deal with the legacy of these violations, in terms of truth, justice, reparation and reform, taking into account ongoing efforts by the DRC authorities, as well as the support of the international community.

The mapping exercise began in July 2008. Between October 2008 and May 2009, a total of 33 staff worked on the project in the DRC (including Congolese and international human rights experts). Of these, some 20 human rights officers were deployed across the country, operating out of five field offices, to gather documents and information from witnesses to meet the three objectives defined in the terms of reference. The report was submitted to the High Commissioner for Human Rights in June 2009 for review, comments and finalisation.

The mapping team’s 550-page report contains descriptions of 617 alleged violent incidents occurring in the DRC between March 1993 and June 2003. Each of these incidents points to the possible commission of gross violations of human rights and/or international humanitarian law. Each of the incidents listed is backed up by at least two independent sources identified in the report. As serious as they may be, uncorroborated incidents claimed by one single source are not included. Over 1,500 documents relating to human rights violations committed during this period were gathered and analysed with a view to establishing an initial chronology by region of the main violent incidents reported. Only incidents meeting a ‘gravity threshold’ set out in the methodology were considered. Field mapping teams met with over 1,280 witnesses to corroborate or invalidate the violations listed in the chronology. Information was also collected on previously

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  • Mapping exercise
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  • Crimes
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  • Sexual violence
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  • Children
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  • Natural resources
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  • Neighbouring states
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  • Impunity
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  • Transitional justice
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  • Q&A: DR Congo conflict BBC

    • August 27,2010

    Congolese rebels pictured north of Goma in November 2008

    A draft UN report says crimes by the Rwandan army and allied rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo from 1993 to 2003 could be classified as genocide.

    The east of the country is still plagued by army and militia violence despite the end of the country’s five-year war in 2003 in which more than five million people lost their lives – the deadliest conflict since World War II.

    What has the fighting been about?

    DR Congo is extremely wealthy – and extremely big. Similar in size to Western Europe, it abounds with diamonds, gold, copper, cobalt and zinc.

    The country also has supplies of coltan, which is used in mobile phones and other electronic gadgets, and cassiterite, used in food packaging.

    People fleeing fighting in eastern DR Congo - November 2008

    Unfortunately for the people of DR Congo, its resource wealth has rarely been harnessed for their benefit.

    This vast country has hardly any roads or railways, while the health and education systems lie in ruins.

    Instead, the natural riches have attracted rapacious adventurers, unscrupulous corporations, vicious warlords and corrupt governments and divided the population between competing ethnic groups.

    In the early 20th Century Belgian forces arrived and enslaved millions, while King Leopold ruled the country as his personal fiefdom.

    During a painful independence struggle in the 1960s, the vast country almost disintegrated as regions fought each other.

    But Joseph Mobutu seized power in 1965 and set about crushing internal rebellions and unifying the nation – eventually changing its name to Zaire.

    However, Mobutu was soon seduced by wealth and once he controlled most of the country and gained a level of stability and prosperity, he began using the country’s riches for one thing – to ensure he remained in power.

    As his rule went on, his plunder continued and the country gradually slipped out of his control.

    The 1994 genocide in neighbouring Rwanda hastened his downfall and helped plunge DR Congo into the deadliest conflict in African history.

    Why did Rwanda’s genocide affect DR Congo so badly?

    Eastern DR Congo has porous borders.

    After Rwanda’s genocidal Hutu regime was overthrown, more than two million Hutus are thought to have fled into DR Congo fearing reprisals against them by the new, Tutsi-dominated government.

    Among them were many of the militiamen responsible for the genocide.

    They quickly allied themselves with Mobutu’s government and began to attack DR Congo’s sizeable population of ethnic Tutsis, who had lived in the country for generations.

    Rwanda’s Tutsi government started to back rival militias, fighting both the Hutu militias and Congolese government troops.

    The Tutsi militias, allied to other local groups backed by Uganda, eventually marched on Kinshasa and overthrew Mobutu’s government.

    They installed Laurent Kabila as president and he renamed the country – from Zaire to DR Congo.

    But Kabila failed to expel the Hutu militia and tiny Rwanda, which had put him in power, soon sent a new force to oust him.

    Kabila then called in help from Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola and for the next five years all six countries, and others, fought a proxy war on Congolese land.

    All sides were accused of using the cover of the war to loot the country’s riches.

    More than five million people died in the war and its aftermath – mostly from starvation or disease.

    Although the war was declared over in 2003, the east of the country continues to be unstable

    Has DR Congo achieved any kind of peace?

    Most of the country has now found peace and the central government has slowly reasserted control.

    The country even started to live up to its name by having the first democratic elections in more than four decades, which saw the late Laurent Kabila’s son, Joseph, elected as president.
    A child soldier in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1998

    But a proxy war between Rwanda and the Kinshasa government continued in the east until the end of 2008.

    Notorious Tutsi warlord Gen Laurent Nkunda – who most analysts believe was backed by Rwanda – waged a campaign to destroy Hutu rebels from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).

    He accused the government of backing the FDLR.

    A sea-change in the conflict came about in late 2008 when Rwanda and DR Congo joined forces to combat the FDLR in the provinces of North and South Kivu.

    As part of the deal, Gen Nkunda was taken out of the country and put under house arrest in Rwanda – where he remains.

    But the bitter conflict has continued unabated and Congolese government troops, backed by thousands of UN peacekeepers, have failed to defeat the FDLR rebels.

    Reports of mass rapes, killings and other atrocities committed by rebels and government troops continue.

    What is the UN doing?

    The UN’s peacekeeping mission has been in DR Congo for 10 years.

    At one point it was the biggest peacekeeping operation in the world, with almost 20,000 personnel on the ground.

    It is mandated to protect civilians and also help in the reconstruction of the country.

    UN peacekeeper in DR Congo, December 2008

    President Joseph Kabila wants UN peacekeepers out of the country by the end of 2011

    But as the battles in the east have rumbled on, the allegiances and intentions of the major players have become increasingly murky.

    Warlords have been absorbed into the army but are widely accused of carrying out atrocities and running their own personal militias.

    Army commanders have been accused of supplying the FDLR – the very rebels they are supposed to be fighting.

    Human rights groups say the army and the FDLR are working together to exploit mines.

    And Human Rights Watch has suggested the UN is risking becoming complicit in atrocities against civilians.

    In November 2009, a report by UN-commissioned experts said UN involvement had done nothing to quell the violence – with rebels continuing to kill and plunder natural resources with impunity and claims the rebels are supported by an international crime network stretching through Africa to Western Europe and North America.

    UN peacekeeping troops continue to back efforts to defeat the FDLR, but rights groups have warned that it will be impossible to defeat the FDLR without tackling their backers.

    In August 2010, the UN force came in for more criticism for not doing anything to stop the rape of more than 150 women and children within miles of their base near Luvungi, saying they only heard about the attacks 10 days afterwards.

    Meanwhile, the Congolese government has said it wants the UN force to leave by the end of 2011 – when elections are due.

    So in July, to reflect its changing status, the force changed its name from the UN Organisation Mission in DR Congo – known by its French acronym Monuc – to the UN Organisation Stabilisation Mission – Monusco.