In the epic of the 1973 Bawetu and Batutsi conflict of Burundi, the Emperor of Ethiopia Haile Selassie invited to the Tutsi minority to immigrate back to their homeland Ethiopia and resolve the Tutsi Question in the great lakes defensively. He even later suggested swap of population between Rwanda and Burundi. The Negus sent a messenger saying:-
“Come and let me give a region bigger than Burundi /Rwanda” and let me send you planes to start the Exodus like the Rastafarians in Shashemene. “
The Genocide of the Tutsi accused of their origin and the moderate Hutu as collaborator
The Melese Zenawie regime in Addis Ababa who supposedly helped the liberation of Rwanda and received a heroic medal did not send a single solider to stop the bloody massacre of the Tutsis due to their Ethiopian identity. The Tutsi were thrown to the Nile River after slaughtered as a sacrifice ram and told to return back where they came from. A bloody massacred that turned the river red, like plague of Egypt in the Bible, which scared even the population of Cairo to drink from the Nile waters in the aftermath the genocide. Melese Znawie did not move his finger but not ashamed to receive a heroic medal for the “bloody spectacle” at the massacre of the people of Ethiopian origin in the Great Lake region. He would have refused the medal after visiting the Genocide Museum of Rwanda. How can one accused of a genocide could receive a medal for a Genocide? This is done to wash his crime committed in Ethiopia against the Anuaks and others . Now is the time for Melese prepare a medial for his friend Kagme to wash him white from the coming indictment. The African dictators start delivering and honoring one another for the misfortune they committed while in power against their own defenseless populations.
Today the government of Rwanda is working to destroy the identity of Ethiopianism in the Great Lakes with his friend dictator Melese in the Horn of Africa. Melese with his Ethnic federation is destroying what is left of Ethiopia and Kagame is denying the identity of the people of Ethiopian origin. Today as in Addis Ababa at Kigali to claim once identity as to be Ethiopian Tutsi is to be Jews in the National Weimar Republic. The Rwandese regime refused even to recognize the existence of the TWA the original inhabitants of the great lake region who were victim of the 1994 genocide like the rest of the Tutsis and moderate Hutu. According to the UN 30% of the Twa population of Rwanda died in the fighting. The Twa were one of the Ethnic three David Stars engraved on the national flag of Burundi at its outset.
The Rwanda’s main cause of the Genocide is a taboo to recognize publicly in Kigali once Ethiopian identity. The regime of Rwanda publically declare”There is No Tutsi or Hutu, but Rwandan ” he did not mentioned the Twa since no one care about them any way. The majority of the population rejects this imposition to this day. The government who is now stands accused by the UN as a perpetuator of genocide even in Congo against its own population.
It is a Logical Fallacy to believe that Two Wrongs Make a Right (“Wrong + wrong = right.”).
“An eye for an eye makes the whole world blind.” “There are many causes that I am prepared to die for but no causes that I am prepared to kill for.” .. (Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi)
The Twa are often ignored in discussions about the conflict between the Hutus and Tutsis, which reached its height in the Rwandan genocide of 1994.
The colonial powers were responsible for the creation of these hate and division among the Rwandese is undeniable fact and easy accusation. People in Glass Houses Shouldn’t Throw Stones, post colonial the governments in Rwanda and Burundi did not help to create bondage among the three Ethnic groups in the country that of the majority Hutu and the minority Tutsi and dominated Twa. They demonstrated unprecedented massacre of their mutual population in the post colonial period.
Rwanda experienced Africa’s worst genocide in modern times, and the country’s recovery was stained by unnecessary intervention in the conflict in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo.
The country has been beset by ethnic tension associated with the traditionally unequal relationship between the dominant Tutsi minority and the majority Hutus at the departure of the colonial power.
In 1959 the ethnic relationship was reversed to the favor of the agricultural Huts taken power. The civil war that followed forced over 200,000 Tutsis to flee to Burundi and the rest of the Great lake region with a lingering resentment which led to periodic massacres of Tutsis.
In 1993from the neighboring Rwanda the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launched a military campaign to control the country. At the outcome at least 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus had been brutally massacred in 1994. Some two million Hutus fled to Zaire, today’s DR Congo. They included some of those responsible for the massacres, and some joined Zairian forces to attack local Tutsi. Rwanda did not recognize the Tutsi a distinct people but invaded refugee camps dominated by Hutu militiamen as a response to the Genocide taking justice in its hand.
Rwanda withdrew its forces from DR Congo in 2002. Later Rwanda continues accusing the Congolese army of aiding Hutu genocidal rebels in eastern DR Congo.
Rwanda has used traditional “gacaca” community courts to try those suspected of taking part in the 1994 genocide. But key individuals – particularly those accused of orchestrating the slaughter – appear before an International Criminal Tribunal in northern Tanzania.
Today the only way out for Rwanda is to recognize the cultural identity of the three distinct people that composed Rwanda and make a democratic reelection based on one man one vote according to Mandela. The recent election of Paul Kagame for the coming 7 year is the same as his friend Melese Zenawie who gave him the necessary expertise to rage election shamelessly and claim to win over 90% of the ballet.
Rwanda must recognize her misdeeds in Congo and bring those military leaders to justice and learn from South African Experience to create a Reconciliation Committee and resolve the conflict once for and all.
Prof. Muse Tegegne the author wrote and dedicated a Book for the Rwanda Genocide in 1999
In 1992 in hist Book Stigma Predicted coming the Genocide …
THe Children of the Ark in French.
1.”Minorities under Siege: Pygmies today in Africa”. UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 2006. Retrieved 2006-12-11.
Timeline: 100 days of genocide
|Last Updated: Tuesday, 6 April, 2004, 08:42 GMT 09:42 UK
Some 800,000 Rwandans, mainly Tutsis, were murdered in a 100-day period following the killing of the Hutu president of Rwanda, Juvenal Habyarimana.
The presidential guard quickly murdered the political opposition and enacted a pre-planned campaign of slaughter that spread across the country. Soldiers, government officials and business leaders organised the killings and were joined by a Hutu militia, the Interahamwe.
The international community did little to stop the killings and the slaughter was brought to end by the military defeat of the government by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a Tutsi-led rebel group.
6 April 1994: President Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira are killed when the Rwandan leader’s plane is shot down as it is about to land at Kigali Airport. Hutu extremists opposed to the Arusha Peace Accords are believed to be behind the attack.
7 April: The Rwandan armed forces and Interahamwe militia begin the systematic killing of Tutsis and moderate Hutus. UN forces, unwilling to breach their mandate, fail to intervene. 10 Belgian UN peacekeepers are killed.
8 April: The Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launches a major offensive to end the killings and rescue 600 of its troops based in Kigali under the Arusha Accords.
9-10 April: French, Belgian and American civilians are rescued by their governments.
11 April: The International Red Cross (IRC) estimates that tens of thousands have been slaughtered. UN soldiers protecting 2,000 Tutsis at a school are ordered to withdraw to Kigali airport. Most are killed after their departure.
14 April: Belgium withdraws its troops from the UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda.
15 April: Slaughter of thousands of Tutsis gathered at Nyarubuye Church seeking protection.
21 April: The UN cuts the level of its forces in Rwanda by 90% to just 270 troops. The IRC estimates the dead could now number over 100,000.
30 April: The UN agrees a resolution condemning the killing but omits the word ‘genocide’. Tens of thousands of refugees flee into neighbouring Burundi, Tanzania and Zaire.
Mid-May: The IRC estimates that 500,000 Rwandans have been killed.
17 May: The UN Security Council issues a fresh resolution saying that ‘acts of genocide may have been committed’. It also agrees to send 5,500 troops with new powers to defend civilians, however deployment is delayed by disagreements between the US and UN over the financing of the operation.
22 May: RPF forces gain control of Kigali airport and Kanombe barracks, and extend their control over the northern and eastern parts of Rwanda.
22 June: With arguments over the deployment still continuing, the UN authorises an emergency force of 2,500 French troops under Operation Turquoise to create a ‘safe’ area in the government-controlled part of Rwanda. The killing of Tutsis continues in the ‘safe’ area despite the presence of the French.
4 July: The RPF takes control of Kigali and the southern town of Butare. Its leadership claims it will form a government on the basis of the Arusha Accords.
13-14 July: Refugees fleeing the RPF advance in north-western Rwanda flood into Zaire. Approximately 10,000-12,000 refugees per hour cross the border into the town of Goma. The massive influx creates a severe humanitarian crisis, as there is an acute lack of shelter, food and water.
18 July: The RPF announces that the war is over, declares a cease-fire and names Pastor Bizimungu as president with Faustin Twagiramungu as prime minister
Rwanda’s Paul Kagame Center of Controversial Election
Ethiopia – Meles receives highest Rwandan medals
Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi received two medals on Saturday from the Government of Rwanda.
One of the medals has been given for Meles’s immense contribution he made in the struggle to topple the dictatorial Derg regime and bring peace, and socio-economic development in Ethiopia.
The other medal was vested in him in recognition of Ethiopia’s contribution in deploying peace keepers to end the civil war in Rwanda.
While marking its 15 years of victory, Rwanda has also given its highest national medal to Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and former Tanzania President Julius Nyerere.
The leaders received the award for their contribution to halt the Rwandan genocide, according ETV report
Congo examines mass graves to find proof of revenge genocide on Hutus
UN DR Congo ‘genocide’ draft report – key excerpts
27 August 2010 BBC Africa
Weapons belonging to a Rwandan Hutu rebel of the FDLR
Among the Hutus who fled to DR Congo in 1994 were many of the militiamen responsible for Rwanda’s genocide
A UN report into massacres of Hutu civilians in DR Congo after the Rwanda’s 1994 genocide has been leaked ahead of its official publication.
Experts say it is the first rigorous investigation – the researchers required two independent sources for each of the 600 incidents documented in their 545-page report – into alleged atrocities committed in eastern DR Congo between 1993 and 2003. Rwanda’s Tutsi-dominated government has dismissed the claims as “rubbish”.
Here are some of the draft report’s key findings:
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The systematic use of barriers… enabled them to identify people of Hutu origin by their name or village of origin and thus to eliminate them”
512. The systematic attacks, in particular killings and massacres perpetrated against members of the Hutu ethnic group, are described extensively in section I of the report. These attacks resulted in a very large number of victims, probably tens of thousands of members of the Hutu ethnic group, all nationalities combined. In the vast majority of case reported, it was not a question of people killed unintentionally in the course of combat, but people targeted primarily by AFDL [Congolese rebels led by Laurent Kabila, who became president in 1997]/APR [Rwandan army]/FAB [Burundi’s army] forces and executed in their hundreds, often with edged weapons.
The majority of the victims were children, women, elderly people and the sick, who posed no threat to the attacking forces. Numerous serious attacks on the physical or psychological integrity of members of the group were also committed, with a very high number of Hutus shot, raped, burnt or beaten. Very large numbers of victims were forced to flee and travel long distances to escape their pursuers, who were trying to kill them. The hunt lasted for months, resulting in the deaths of an unknown number of people subjected to cruel, inhuman and degrading living conditions, without access to food or medication. On several occasions, the humanitarian aid intended for them was deliberately blocked, in particular in Orientale Province, depriving them of assistance essential to their survival.
513. At the time of the incidents covered by this report, the Hutu population in Zaire, including refugees from Rwanda, constituted an ethnic group as defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Moreover, as shown previously, the intention to destroy a group in part is sufficient to be classified as a crime of genocide. Finally, the courts have also confirmed that the destruction of a group can be limited to a particular geographical area. It is therefore possible to assert that, even if only a part of the Hutu population in Zaire was targeted and destroyed, it could nonetheless constitute a crime of genocide, if this was the intention of the perpetrators. Finally, several incidents listed also seem to confirm that the numerous attacks were targeted at members of the Hutu ethnic group as such.
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Several of the massacres listed were committed regardless of the age or gender of the victims. ”
Although, at certain times, the aggressors said they were looking for the criminals responsible for the genocide committed against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the majority of the incidents reported indicate that the Hutus were targeted as such, with no discrimination between them. The numerous attacks against the Hutus in Zaire, who were not part of the refugees, seem to confirm that it was all Hutus, as such, who were targeted. The crimes committed in particular in Rutshuru (30 October 1996) and Mugogo (18 November 1996), in North Kivu, highlight the specific targeting of the Hutus, since people who were able to persuade the aggressors that they belonged to another ethnic group were released just before the massacres. The systematic use of barriers by the AFDL/APR/FAB, particularly in South Kivu, enabled them to identify people of Hutu origin by their name or village of origin and thus to eliminate them. Hundreds of people of Hutu origin are thus thought to have been arrested at a barrier erected in November 1996 in Ngwenda, in the Rutshuru territory, and subsequently executed by being beaten with sticks in a place called Kabaraza. In South Kivu, AFDL/APR/FAB soldiers erected numerous barriers on the Ruzizi plain to stop Rwandan and Burundian refugees who had been dispersed after their camps had been dismantled.
514. Several incidents listed in this report point to circumstances and facts from which a court could infer the intention to destroy the Hutu ethnic group in the DRC in part, if these were established beyond all reasonable doubt. Firstly, the scale of the crimes and the large number of victims are illustrated by the numerous incidents described above. The extensive use of edged weapons (primarily hammers) and the systematic massacre of survivors, including women and children, after the camps had been taken show that the numerous deaths cannot be attributed to the hazards of war or seen as equating to collateral damage. The systematic nature of the attacks listed against the Hutus also emerges: These attacks took place in each location where refugees had been identified by the AFDL/APR, over a vast area of the country. Particularly in North Kivu and South Kivu but also in other provinces, the massacres often began with a trick by elements of the AFDL/APR, who summoned the victims to meetings on the pretext either of discussing their repatriation to Rwanda in the case of the refugees, or of introducing them to the new authorities in the case of Hutus settled in the region, or of distributing food.
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“These “awareness-raising speeches” made in North Kivu also incited the population to look for, kill or help to kill Rwandan Hutu refugees, whom they called “pigs””
Afterwards, those present were systematically killed. Cases of this kind were confirmed in the province of North Kivu in Musekera, Rutshuru and Kiringa (October 1996), Mugogo and Kabaraza (November 1996), Hombo, Katoyi, Kausa, Kifuruka, Kinigi, Musenge, Mutiko and Nyakariba (December 1996), Kibumba and Kabizo (April 1997) and Mushangwe (around August 1997); in the province of South Kivu in Rushima and Luberizi (October 1996), Cotonco and Chimanga (November 1996) and Mpwe (February 1997) and on the Shabunda-Kigulube road (February-April 1997); in Orientale Province in Kisangani and Bengamisa (May and June 1997); in Maniema in Kalima (March 1997) and in Équateur in Boende (April 1997). Such acts certainly suggest premeditation and a precise methodology. In the region south of the town of Walikale, in North Kivu (January 1997), Rwandan Hutus were subjected to daily killings in areas already under the control of the AFDL/APR as part of a campaign that seemed to target any Hutus living in the area in question.
515. Several of the massacres listed were committed regardless of the age or gender of the victims. This is particularly true of the crimes committed in Kibumba (October 1996), Mugunga and Osso (November 1996), Hombo and Biriko (December 1996) in the province of North Kivu, Kashusha and Shanje (November 1996) in the province of South Kivu, Tingi-Tingi and Lubutu (March 1997) in Maniema Province, and Boende (April 1997) in Equateur Province, where the vast majority of victims were women and children. Furthermore, no effort was made to make a distinction between Hutus who were members of the ex-FAR/Interahamwe [militia behind Rwanda’s 1994 genocide] and Hutu civilians, whether or not they were refugees.
This tendency to put all Hutus together and “tar them with the same brush” is also illustrated by the declarations made during the “awareness-raising speeches” made by the AFDL/APR in certain places, according to which any Hutu still present in Zaire must necessarily be a perpetrator of genocide, since the “real” refugees had already returned to Rwanda. These “awareness-raising speeches” made in North Kivu also incited the population to look for, kill or help to kill Rwandan Hutu refugees, whom they called “pigs”. This type of language would have been in widespread use during the operations in this region.
516. The massacres in Mbandaka and Wendji, committed on 13 May 1997 in Équateur Province, over 2,000 kilometres west of Rwanda, were the final stage in the hunt for Hutu refugees that had begun in eastern Zaire, in North and South Kivu, in October 1996. Among the refugees were elements of the ex-FAR/Interahamwe, who were disarmed by the local police force as soon as they arrived. In spite of everything, the AFDL/APR opened fire on hundreds of defenceless Hutu refugees, resulting in large numbers of victims.
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“It seems possible to infer a specific intention on the part of certain AFDL/APR commanders to partially destroy the Hutus in the DRC, and therefore to commit a crime of genocide”
517. The systematic and widespread attacks described in this report, which targeted very large numbers of Rwandan Hutu refugees and members of the Hutu civilian population, resulting in their death, reveal a number of damning elements that, if they were proven before a competent court, could be classified as crimes of genocide. The behaviour of certain elements of the AFDL/APR in respect of the Hutu refugees and Hutu populations settled in Zaire at this time seems to equate to “a manifest pattern of similar conduct directed against that group”, from which a court could even deduce the existence of a genocidal plan. “Whilst the existence of such a plan may contribute to establishing the required genocidal intention, it is nonetheless only an element of proof used to deduce such an intention and not a legal element of genocide.”
It should be noted that certain elements could cause a court to hesitate to decide on the existence of a genocidal plan, such as the fact that as of 15 November 1996, several tens of thousands of Rwandan Hutu refugees, many of whom had survived previous attacks, were repatriated to Rwanda with the help of the AFDL/APR authorities and that hundreds of thousands of Rwandan Hutu refugees were able to return to Rwanda with the consent of the Rwandan authorities prior to the start of the first war. Whilst, in general, the killings did not spare women and children, it should be noted that in some places, at the beginning of the first war, Hutu women and children were in fact separated from the men, and only the men were subsequently killed.
518. Nonetheless, neither the fact that only men were targeted during the massacres, nor the fact that part of the group were allowed to leave the country or that their movement was facilitated for various reasons, are sufficient in themselves to entirely remove the intention of certain people to partially destroy an ethnic group as such. In this respect it seems possible to infer a specific intention on the part of certain AFDL/APR commanders to partially destroy the Hutus in the DRC, and therefore to commit a crime of genocide, based on their conduct, words and the damning circumstances of the acts of violence committed by the men under their command. It will be for a court with proper jurisdiction to rule on this question.
1139. In light of the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, and the repetition of crimes within the territory of the DRC, there is a manifest urgency for justice and security service reform. The members of the Mapping Team were able to observe the constant fear on the part of affected populations that history would repeat itself, especially when yesterday’s attackers are returning in positions that enable them to commit new crimes with complete impunity.